Introduction

Good morning Distinguished Guests, ladies and gentleman

It is wonderful to be here this morning.

On behalf of all New Zealanders the first thing I want to do is thank you for all you’re doing all over this country, as well as internationally in some cases, to protect and care for animals.

Everyone in this room knows – and the latest research continues to confirm – that animals are much smarter than we give them credit for – and much more like us than we have historically thought – save for one thing.

Animals haven’t devised as many ways as humans to be cruel and inhumane.

My story

Today I want to candidly tell you the story of how New Zealand has almost gotten one of the best pieces of legislation against animal cruelty in the world.

I reckon if a PR person had taken hold of a draft of this speech they would have changed and sanitised a lot of what I am going to say to you.

A PR person might have made the story a bit better – a bit less warts and all if you like.

Nevertheless, in only a few months a few people in this room, aided by me, the Minister of Agriculture, the Prime Minister, and ultimately every Member of Parliament, made some pretty big changes to animal cruelty law.

You may have noticed just before, I said we’ve almost gotten one of the best pieces of legislation against animal cruelty in the world.

I said almost because the bill is currently about to come back to Parliament for what is called its second reading.

It is not law yet but the good news is we can be confident it will be.

I also want to acknowledge through my use of the word almost that there will be some who think we should be doing more still.

That is a discussion we could have, but we can nevertheless all agree that this law takes justice for animals that have suffered ill treatment much further than the past law did and does give us one of the toughest laws I know of.

On that front, I can tell you I’ve had correspondence with academics from around the world impressed by what we have achieved.

But I digress. Back to the story.

The best place to start is in the Koru Lounge, Wellington Airport.

And no there weren’t any animals in there – not unless you count Politicians!

I couldn’t give you a date but it was well into the second half of last year. It was a Thursday.
 
Much earlier that day Paul Henry had probably been mean to me about something on Breakfast TV and I had just finished Parliament for the week so I will have been tired as I always am by that point.

I was hungry, and was eating mince on toast.

I don’t think I finished my mince however as before I could I was engaging in conversation with Anita Killeen, SPCA board member from Auckland, who had tapped me on the back.

She was on to me about animal welfare. Law changes were needed.

I remembered back to my prosecuting experience.

I knew anecdotally of the strong link between cruelty to animals and criminal offending across the board.

Anita kept talking, and talking, and talking.

We exchanged business cards and I agreed to look into the matter and come back to Anita.

As a former Court room lawyer I’m both conservative and pedantic.

I over analyse things from every conceivable angle before acting.

I did this in relation to animal welfare.

I read books, academic articles, more books, and more articles.

They made it clear to me that at a basic, if you like, intrinsic level, we haven’t been achieving sufficient justice for animals who suffer ill-treatment.

I could today quote you research, philosophy, even poems that have made this clear.

But these following statistics say it all.

Despite the heinousness and frequency of acts of cruelty perpetrated on animals not just every year or even month but daily, less than 3% of prosecutions result in imprisonment.

The most common penalty is the lowest possible, a fine.

We can state this even more starkly. In the history of this nation only ten people have been sentenced to imprisonment for animal welfare offending.

And I also thought about my Tibetan Spaniel, Tilly, and my Pomeranian, Bruce.

It may sound like sacrilege to say so in this audience but I have never been an animal person.

I’m the youngest of six children who grew up in West Auckland. My father always reasoned he had enough mouths to feed without pets.

There was a strict no dog or cat rule but one sister (who went on to marry a vet) did keep a menagerie of mice, budgies, guinea pigs, rabbits, gold fish, an axolotl, frogs and lizards over the time of our growing up.

Nevertheless, my wife wanted a puppy and we ended up with two. Now I’m a born again dog lover.

Why am I telling you all of this.

Because for me at both a head and heart level change had to come.

The cold hard logic made it plain; my knowledge and companionship of Tilly and Bruce made it clear.

So I got back in touch with Anita, and then met and obtained invaluable advice and support from Bob Kerridge and then Robyn Kippenberger.

A bill was drafted lifting the maximum penalty for the wilful ill-treatment of animals from three to five years imprisonment.

My aim was to raise public awareness so that there would be less offending and to send a message to everyone, but especially Judges, to toughen up and do better justice for animals.

Media, starting with newspapers, began to cover the bill and I believe it captured the public’s imagination, or perhaps more accurately, their conscience.

Social media started kicking into gear with Facebook supporter pages getting thousands of members.

The campaign also gained massive momentum due to a public outpouring in relation to some very well publicised but horrific cases in January not long after I had announced my member’s bill.

In fact there were a number of cases over the period but two stand out:

First was Te Ahu Aaron Mankelow’s horrific case involving the feeding of five kittens to his dog.

Second was the Wellsford Dog Killing involving 33 dogs shot dead.

In combination all of what was going on prompted decisive action from the Prime Minister who was appalled by what he saw and decided my bill and probably a strengthened version of it needed to be fast tracked.

At a National Party Caucus meeting on 2 February this year it was unanimously agreed to take on the bill and make it law. It was also agreed to more systematically deal with animal offending and so under the care and attention of the Minister of Agriculture who has responsibility for animal welfare more work was done, a more comprehensive bill approved by Cabinet and then introduced into the House.

In hindsight it was crucial that the bill be a Government one rather than an ordinary member’s bill.

My bill was subject to chance – the random ballot process which determines when member’s bills will be debated.

A Government Bill is a much more controlled affair with priority accorded to it, as is right in this case given that the law will I believe deter more cruelty to animals in our nation.

The first reading was on 18 February. The bill received the support of every political party and every Member of Parliament.

An historic day

I may sound overly cheery, but I believe 18 February was an historic day for Animal Welfare in New Zealand.

In the end result we are not getting a law that simply lifted the maximum penalty for the wilful ill-treatment of animals from three to five years as my member’s bill would have.

That would have been a good start. It would have made some difference and would have, I believe, achieved my goals of raising public awareness and sending a message.

We are getting much more.

We are getting a substantially strengthened law that simplifies and rationalises offences, increases offence penalties across the board, and does more to protect the welfare of animals.

There was, if I am frank, the possibility that my member’s bill would have had more symbolic than real effect. Our Government bill will certainly do more than that, improving the law across the board.

I will come to the detail of the law very shortly but before I do I want to give one more reason why this law is historic.

All 123 MPs – MPs with different backgrounds and very different political views –

All 123 MPs – whether Green or staunchly libertarian, as some of the Act members are, voted for this.

In other words, the entire Parliament of New Zealand came together on this and reached a consensus against animal cruelty and in support of what you do at SPCAs from Kaitaia to the Bluff.

Let me tell you this doesn’t happen often on issues of substance. It did here against animal cruelty.

And exactly what is it that the bill achieves?

Penalties for offending across the board have increased:

- As I had originally sought, the penalty for the worst offending, wilful ill-treatment of animals, has increased from 3 to 5 years imprisonment and financial penalties have gone from $50,000 to $100,000 for individuals and from $250,000 to $500,000 for body corporates.
- Ill treatment offending has gone from 6 months imprisonment to 12 months and financial penalties have gone from $25,000 to $50,000 for individuals and from $125,000 to 250,000 for body corporates.
- Neglect offending has increased in exactly the same way as ill treatment offending.

As I say, penalties have gone up across the entire spectrum of possible offending.

In addition, an entirely new offence of reckless ill-treatment of animals has been created to sit in the spectrum between wilful-ill treatment offending and the lesser ill-treatment and neglect offending.

This means offending which may not be proved to be wilful but is nevertheless very serious is adequately criminalised and penalised. Formerly it has inadequately been dealt with as simple ill-treatment.

Significantly, wilful-ill treatment of animals as an offence has been simplified and expanded so in effect it is easier to prove. Instead of having to prove the animal was permanently disabled, died, or had to be destroyed to prevent suffering, the threshold is now serious injury or impairment.

Finally, the provisions relating to disqualification from animal ownership and forfeiture of animals have been bolstered and improved significantly.
 
Conclusion

In conclusion ladies and gentlemen, it has been a pleasure to be here this morning with people who do so much for animals.

This year the Government is also doing something great for animals and against animal cruelty.

I wish you a wonderful Conference today.

Paper products are essential to our lifestyle and daily work. Try thinking of a day without paper, no newspaper to read, no bank notes, no toilet paper, no letters, no books– and no Government reports to read.

Despite predictions of ‘the paperless office’, office paper remains essential to our work and New Zealand as a whole uses 44,000 tonnes of it every year.

Trees are a renewable resource and act as a carbon sink but inevitably the full life cycle of paper production and use has potential environmental impacts such as air and water pollution, soil erosion, loss of forest habitat and waste to landfill.

The papers in the Which Paper guide which is published by the New Zealand Business Council today have been selected because they meet key sustainability criteria.

All of the papers in the guide are certified to one of the two largest certification standards. This is important because it means that buyers can be certain that the paper has a chain of custody which verifies the origin of the wood and traces its progress from the forest to the mill to the product.

In addition the paper mills supplying the papers have environmental certification demonstrating that these mills minimise their use of natural resources and manage their outputs. In short they have a good story to tell and this Paper Guide is telling it.

Choosing sustainable paper is a simple thing for us to get right but it’s also easy to get it wrong. As a former teacher I like facts and measurements. So here are some numbers:

• Only 10% of the world’s productive forest area is certified to a recognised 3rd party accreditation system which recognises well managed forests.
• To make 1 tonne of paper just under 4 pine trees are used.
• But for every tree that is harvested in well managed forests, forest owners plant at least three trees and depending on the type of tree and the country the forest is located in, it can be as many as five.

We need to make sure that we are buying from the good guys.

This Guide is an excellent tool for industry and for Government departments to use to help make purchasing decisions that are well informed.

This Government encourages a voluntary approach to product stewardship and this Guide is an excellent example of industry working together to produce guidance on how we can collectively reduce our environmental impacts.

Since its first publication in 2008 NZ paper merchants have significantly increased their stock of certified papers from sustainable forests. This reflects greater demand from industry and government departments.

But paper isn’t just made from trees. The guide includes papers which are made from recycled sugar cane, cotton and a new type of paper which is manufactured from ground waste marble and tile off cuts. All of this shows how industry is investing in alternative technologies to drive waste minimisation.

All of the contributors to the guide are to be congratulated on collaborating with the Business Council to develop this analysis of the most sustainable papers available in the New Zealand market.

However it’s not just the paper we buy, it’s how we use it that is important. New Zealand’s print industry is cleaner and greener than ever and it is also an important part of our economy employing around 11,000 people in every region of the country. The pace of change in printing technology has been rapid with the growth in energy efficient technology, reuse and recycling of inks and better management of resources.

So I am delighted to invite our two guest speakers this evening to talk about how the decisions which you make about what paper to buy and how it is printed can have a beneficial impact on your organisation, your brand and your bottom line.

Let me first welcome David Jupe the CEO of Blue Star Group which is sponsoring the Guide as a key tool to be used by clients in selecting paper for all their printing needs.

And rounding up the evening Peter Neilson Chief Executive Officer of the NZ Business Council for Sustainable Development will outline what the 1st Which Paper guide achieved and how this 2010 edition demonstrates the real progress made.
 

Has New Zealand dropped the nuclear disarmament ball? Absolutely not. In fact right now we are playing that ball as hard as ever - consistently working for the anti-nuke cause, in a sensible and balanced way.

Our Prime Minister John Key has just returned from Obama's nuclear security summit.

He was especially invited because President Obama appreciates that there is no point having a nuclear conference without New Zealand. And that's because New Zealand has had a long term bi-partisan anti-nuclear policy.

Over the years our governments have remained consistently anti-nuclear and we have proved to the world that we are sensible and balanced in how we promote that policy.

President Obama needed us at the summit because we are respected internationally and he knew that because of our balanced view many developed countries are happy to follow our lead. New Zealand has been consistently anti-nuke from the very beginning.

The world’s very first anti-nuclear lecture after Japan was bombed was held at Canterbury University in August 1945. And we have consistently fought against a nuclear presence in the New Zealand and the Pacific ever since.

As early as 1957 New Zealanders called for the "universal prohibition of the manufacture of thermo-nuclear weapons." And during the 60’s the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament was very active. New Zealanders became increasingly concerned about the global nuclear threat and particularly nuclear testing in the south Pacific.

In 1973 after taking France to the world court to stop testing, we sent the Frigates Otago and Canterbury to Mururoa to show our displeasure.

On ANZAC day in the Christchurch RSA I meet two old sailors who had been on the Frigate Otago. I recognised them by the mushroom cloud badges pined on by their medals.

Throughout the 70’s and 80’s there was a movement to declare a growing number of homes, offices, schools, churches, councils and even cars nuclear free zones. My home town Christchurch became the first New Zealand Nuclear Weapon Free city in 1982 and in 1987 Parliament passed The New Zealand Nuclear Free, disarmament and Arms Control Act - the world’s first nuclear free legislation.

We have been helping to shape anti-nuclear policy ever since and we get creditability for our global contribution at a technical and policy level.

Ban Ki-moons five point plan is based on the New Zealand 13 point plan that was promoted in 2000, and right now we are involved in many practical and technical initiatives through different partnerships.

We are Hosting a Nuclear Suppliers Group in Christchurch this year.

We are working with the US to control nuclear terrorism and with Canada on strengthening the instructional framework of the treaty.

We are working with the Australians on greater transparency in the reporting on nuclear weapon polices, fissile material and weapons holding.

We also work with our pacific neighbours on reporting and transportation issues.

We are a strong partner in the New Agenda coalition working on nuclear disarmament and we are coordinating another group of nations working on de-alerting of nuclear weapons.

NZ has a valuable reputation internationally because we are always active, always pushing our nuclear free agenda in a balanced sensible way.

New Zealand is nuclear free by public demand - anti-nukes is ingrained in the New Zealanders psyche - it is supported by all New Zealanders and all political parties.

Every year we continue to ratify the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and we consistently push the anti nuclear agenda leading the world in a sensible and balanced way.

“Has NZ dropped the Nuclear Disarmament Ball” No definitely not.

Today, Anzac Day, marks the anniversary of the first New Zealand and Australian landing on the Gallipoli Peninsula at dawn on the 25th of April 1915. It is not a day on which to glorify the act of war itself, but a day on which to remember those New Zealanders who gave their lives in the service of their country.

New Zealanders of my age have not known the deprivations, the grief and the sorrows of war time, and for that we have the sacrifices of previous generations to thank. We are honored that there are veterans of conflict present today at this ceremony, and frankly we feel humbled before you.

Of course no veterans of the First World War are left alive in this country now, and as each year passes, there are inevitably fewer veterans of the Second. Yet New Zealanders have served with bravery and distinction in theatres of war since World War Two, notably in Korea, Malaya, Borneo, Vietnam and Afghanistan, and of course, in peace keeping roles around the world.

The reality of wartime is that ordinary people are called upon to put aside the routine of everyday existence to perform extraordinary service. On the memorial beside us are inscribed the names of 14 men from Glenfield who gave their lives in the First World War, and a further 9 who died in the second. When you consider that prior to the building of the Harbour Bridge this was a small rural community, one can only imagine the devastating effect that the loss of these young lives must have had in the district.

When you go and visit Gallipoli now, it’s hard to imagine the carnage that took place that day when the New Zealand Expeditionary Force landed. 95 years has altered the cliffs, and the slopes that those first New Zealand troops had to scale seem too gentle, not as steep and as high as you’d thought they might be.

It’s a very moving experience, but it’s a slightly strange one too- you’re in a place you’ve never been before, but at the same time you’ve grown up with. A place you’ve always wanted to get to, and then finally you’re there. It’s a place that causes every New Zealander who goes there to pause and reflect. It makes you sad, it makes you feel proud.

One of the things that strikes you at Gallipoli is the reverence with which the Turks regard the ANZAC troops that died there, and it’s something that leaves a deep impression on every New Zealander who visits. There is a large inscription on a free-standing brick wall on the cliff at Gallipoli. It is in English, not Turkish, so it’s clearly directed at the thousands of visitors from New Zealand and Australia. The quote is from Ataturk, who was the commander of the Turkish Forces, subsequently President of Turkey, and commonly regarded as the greatest Turk of modern times, and it reads:

"Those heroes that shed their blood and lost their lives

You are now lying in the soil of a friendly country.

Therefore rest in peace.

There is no difference between the Johnnies and the Mehmets to us where they lie side by side here in this country of ours….

You, the mothers who sent their sons from far away countries

Wipe away your tears;

Your sons are now lying in our bosom and are in Peace.

After having lost their lives on this land they have become our sons as well."

The words are oddly comforting to New Zealanders themselves far from home, in a strange and foreign place that means so much.

A funny thing is happening with Anzac Day. It’s getting bigger with every year throughout our country. There are various theories as to why, and it’s central to them all that Gallipoli and the Anzac tradition is a touchstone for New Zealanders, something that we cherish and want never to let go of.

But if we want to keep that tradition alive, we have to honor the pledge that we make at every Anzac service, to men like the sons of Glenfield who gave their lives in conflict: "Lest We Forget".

As the National MP living in Christchurch Central I have the pleasure of working with migrants and refugees from all around the world.

It is enormously important to me, and all Kiwis, to make sure that we welcome and get involved with individuals and communities so that they integrate as effectively and as smoothly as possible when we invite them to come and live in our beautiful country.

The migrants I have worked with, and had the privilege and pleasure of representing, are highly skilled individuals and I am always impressed by their dedication to their  work and their desire to make a significant contribution to the economy of our city and its cultural richness. 

To highlight the facts and to debunk some common myths regarding the value of our migrants to New Zealand, the government recently commissioned some research by the Department of Labour to determine the value of our migrant labour in NZ.

Here are the facts. The survey shows that Migrant workers are making a valuable contribution to New Zealand's economy and that employers rate them highly.

The Department of Labour's 2009 Employers of Migrants survey released last week found 87 percent of respondents rated their migrant employees good or very good.

Employers say the positive attitude displayed by migrants and their skills and experience were driving factors behind the high ratings.

Over a third of employers also reported that migrant workers had skills and experience that were not available in New Zealand which contradicts the complaint that migrant workers take local jobs.

Nine out of 10 of the employers had at least one migrant on staff and 80% had taken on a migrant in the last year.

So we can see that Migrant workers play a major role in the economy and this survey reinforces the value they provide to employers,

Their positive impact on the economy is immense. In 2005/06 migrants contributed 68 percent more in taxes than they received in services or benefits which equates to a net $3.3 billion boost to the economy.

Between 2001 and 2006, 60 percent of New Zealand's workforce growth came from permanent and temporary migrants.

The survey, was completed late last year by 424 employers who have had contact with Immigration New Zealand. And is proof positive that financially, as well as culturally, foreign born migrants add real value to our city and country.

It is a good news story that we should all be promoting. We all know that there are some Kiwis that just don’t understand or appreciate migrants in the community.

We now know that migrants add real value to our economy and that employers appreciate their contribution but we also know that coming to a new country, moving into a new community and taking up a new job are all challenging and stressful things to do. Each activity is challenging and stressful by itself so when someone has to do all three they need all the support that they can get.

So it is my pleasure to the support the new and innovative Mentoring to Migrant Job seekers programme as set up by CBA. Canterbury Business Association and the Christchurch Polytechnic Institute of Technology.

It will provide a win–win-win. A win for immigrants, a win for employers, and a win for the New Zealand community.

In the survey that we have been talking about 20% of employers felt there were no particular issues in hiring a migrant, which is great news, those employers can just get on with the job. But it also means that 80% feel that they would like some support. And that is where this programme could be invaluable.

The effective integration of immigrants is both a cultural and economic imperative and any support that the Association and other agencies can give to our migrants to Canterbury is a benefit for everyone.

So I have great pleasure in officially launching the Mentoring to Migrant Job Seekers programme.

Thank you Steve (Giles) for that lovely introduction and for the invitation to share this evening with you. I am delighted to be here to share your awards celebration with you and it’s great to be able to acknowledge the valuable work you do in our community. Assistant Area Manager Nigel Richards has summed up the work you do very accurately. The NZ Fire Service awards reflect the hard work and dedication you give to benefit the community.

There is a line on the Volunteer firefighter website that is a wonderful description of what volunteer firefighters are. It says:

“People who care about their communities and want to be actively involved in them”

In so many cases it is the fire brigade that is central to representing the ideals of a community while also maintaining their safety.

In 1854 the first New Zealand fire brigade was formed in Auckland and the Brigade formally began in 1860, this makes it one of the oldest organisations in the country.

Volunteers are still an essential part of our fire services.

Many community services only survive because of volunteers who freely give their time; I thank those of you tonight who do this. Your contributions enrich our community, make us more resilient and help define the character of our nation.

It is not only you who serves the community, but also the families that allow you do this special voluntary work. Thank you to your families.

Fire Brigades have a special uniqueness. There are not many groups that require their volunteers to put down their pens, tools or children, day or night, and rush off to put themselves in danger to protect others.

Yet this is exactly what many of you here do.

I’ve visited fire brigades around my electorate and I’ve always been hugely impressed at the dedication and work ethic of volunteers.

I also would like to acknowledge the invaluable services that the career firefighters provide the Taupo community.

Being involved in your local brigade also brings personal benefits. It gives you skills that can be applied elsewhere.

You gain experience in disciplined teamwork, leadership and the ability to literally make life and death decisions under pressure. These are valuable skills in their own right, and I’m sure are valued by employers.

I wish to acknowledge employers tonight because they can be very understanding when you are required to dash off.

While I’m told that volunteer firefighter numbers are holding up, pressures are growing on volunteers’ time across the whole community.

Staffing volunteer stations with people who can respond within 5 minutes of an incident can be tough to comply with. Compliance may become even more difficult in the future.

Changing demographics, work patterns and continual training requirements, amongst other affairs, all place demands on volunteers.

This is a common concern around the world and there are no easy solutions.

This is why the Minister of Internal Affairs, the Hon Nathan Guy, has asked the Fire Service Commission to continue to pay particular attention to actively supporting and sustaining the volunteer firefighter base. We know how crucial volunteer firefighters are to Fire Brigades around New Zealand, especially in smaller communities.

The links that the Fire Service has in the community are valued, and your ongoing contribution to fire fighting is appreciated by the Taupo community and all those whose lives you save every day.

I thank you again for the selfless work you do in our communities and enjoy your evening.

Kia ora. Ko Cam Calder töku ingoa. Ngä mihi aha kia koutou. Kia ora hui hui tätou.

Greetings. My name is Cam Calder. I greet all of you and acknowledge our gathering together. On behalf of the New Zealand Parliament I would like to thank the Thai National Assembly for their generous hosting of this, the 122nd meeting of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.

In the spirit of the question of the general debate - parliaments at the heart of political reconciliation and good governance - I would like to speak on New Zealand’s experience of reconciliation – the Treaty of Waitangi and the associated settlement process.

The Treaty of Waitangi is New Zealand’s founding document. New Zealand is a nation forged by waves of immigration. The Maori sailed to New Zealand from islands in the Pacific some 700 years ago. They were the earliest settlers, tangata whenua or people of the land.

Europeans followed some 400 years later, and we have welcomed later immigrants from Asia, the Pacific Islands, and indeed countries the world over.

By the late 1830s, growing numbers of British migrants were arriving in New Zealand. There were plans for extensive settlement. Around this time there were large-scale transactions with Maori for land, unruly behaviour from some settlers and signs that the French were interested in annexing New Zealand. The British government was initially unwilling to act, but it eventually realised that annexing the country could protect Maori, regulate British subjects, and secure commercial interests.

The Treaty of Waitangi was signed on 6 February, 1840. The Treaty is a broad statement of principles on which the British and Maori made a political compact to found a nation state and build a government in New Zealand. The Treaty has three articles. These are, that Maori ceded the sovereignty of New Zealand to Britain; Maori gave the Crown an exclusive right to buy lands they wished to sell, and, in return, they were guaranteed full rights of ownership of their lands, forests, fisheries, and other possessions; and that Maori would have the rights and privileges of British subjects. A Maori version and an English version of the Treaty were signed.

Different understandings of the Treaty have long been the subject of debate. From the 1970s especially, many Maori have called for the terms of the Treaty to be honoured. Some have protested – in marches on Parliament and by land occupation.

The Treaty of Waitangi is not considered part of New Zealand domestic law, except where its principles are referred to in several Acts of Parliament. The exclusive right to determine the meaning of the Treaty rests with the Waitangi Tribunal, a commission of inquiry, created by Parliament in 1975, to investigate the Crown’s alleged breaches of the Treaty. More than 1000 claims have been lodged with the tribunal and a number have been settled.

The New Zealand Government has a goal of just and durable settlements of historical Treaty claims by 2014. We are making significant progress. Attainment of this goal we believe will effect a lasting reconciliation of Maori and Päkehä and underpin New Zealand’s future growth as a nation.

Kia kaha, kia ora, Thank you.

Ni sa bula vinaka, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

Thank you for the opportunity to speak at this gathering of Fijian community groups and Friends of Fiji. This afternoon’s event is being held as part of the New Zealand Diversity Action Programme and also to mark Race Relations Day 2010.

I am delighted to be here. Today, I intend to contribute to this community dialogue by making some comments regarding the state of relations between New Zealand and Fiji. Specifically, I will look at aid, diplomatic relations and trade. At the end of this speech there should be some time for questions from the floor.

My comments are made as the National MP for the Wairarapa electorate and as the Chair of the Foreign Affairs and Trade select committee. Crucially, they are informed and influenced by my experiences in the Pacific region, working in a variety of roles over 30 years. This includes time in New Zealand’s diplomatic service.

I strongly believe that New Zealand has a special relationship with the island nations of the Pacific. Traditionally, this has included a warm and strong relationship with Fiji.

We share a unique combination of history, constitutional links, family and community ties, and geographical proximity which binds us together as Pacific people. New Zealand, as a country, has a particular responsibility for the entire region.

One of the biggest issues in the Pacific region at present is clearly the political situation in Fiji which, I regret to say, shows no sign of improvement. The Fiji authorities installed after the 2006 coup continue to reject calls to set up a credible process by which the country could return to a constitutional government.

New Zealand is deeply concerned by the ongoing Public Emergency Regulations, the constraints on the freedom of the media and the legal system, and the harassment of regime opponents in violation of their human and political rights.

We believe the actions of Fiji’s leaders, as well as being illegal, are having a negative impact on Fijian society and damaging the already fragile Fijian economy. Their actions are making the lives of ordinary Fiji people much harder.

This is why both the previous Labour and current National Governments have consistently expressed our disapproval of the interim Government and set up a series of sanctions. These sanctions include restrictions on contact with the coup-installed regime and the military, sporting restrictions and travel bans.

The sole purpose of our sanctions is to encourage Fiji to return to democratic government and the rule of law as soon as possible.

After being offered numerous chances, Fiji was suspended from the Commonwealth and the Pacific Forum. Had the Commodore been prepared to follow through with his commitment to Pacific leaders to hold elections last year, Fiji would still be an active member of both organisations.

Fiji has not always been viewed like this. It is worth noting that in many far-flung countries around the world, Fiji is better known for the dedicated work of their UN peace-keeping troops than its sevens rugby team.

Now, we believe it is totally contradictory for the United Nations to employ Fijian soldiers who have overthrown the elected government of their own country. These troops simply cannot promote stability and the UN’s core principles in other nations while Fiji is ruled by the current military regime.

If you watch the television news, you would be forgiven for thinking the only important island around at the moment was Great Barrier Island. With the recent fixation on mining, I think the media have largely missed two quite important stories about Fiji.

The first of these stories relates to aid. It is important to note that New Zealand’s overseas development assistance (ODA) programme continues in Fiji.

Our assistance has recently been re-targeted specifically towards the poor in Fiji and is being delivered more through Non-Governmental Organisations. These changes were implemented to ensure the regime does not benefit from assistance intended for the poorest people of Fiji.

In the devastating wake of Cyclone Tomas, New Zealand was quick to provide assistance. This included delivery of supplies and reconnaissance activities by military aircraft. We have already pledged an initial $1 million dollars to assist with relief efforts in Fiji and more may be provided shortly.

Despite our on-going differences with the interim Government, New Zealand will always be there to help the people of Fiji after natural disasters. Though we maintain sanctions against the regime, we remain committed to the people of Fiji.

In broader terms, the focus and nature of New Zealand aid changed with the change in Government. The National-led Government decided to concentrate our aid on the Pacific rather than spreading our efforts too far and too wide.

We had been spending money in over 100 different countries every year. Previously, less than a third of New Zealand’s aid money went to the Pacific. Now that figure is more than half.

In terms of diplomatic relations, the New Zealand position has not changed since the coup. Critically, our sanctions policy will not change until the Fiji regime takes credible steps towards restoring constitutional democracy and the rule of law. This is the will of the Pacific Forum, the Commonwealth and the international community more broadly, but there is no evidence of it occurring.

However, there have been a number of small but significant diplomatic achievements in the last month.

Since the coup, the relationship between the Fijian regime and New Zealand Government has been strained. The regime there expelled three New Zealand heads of mission and a Trade Commissioner. We also lost the capacity to replace the departing Police and Defence attaches in Suva.

In response, several Fijian diplomats here received their marching orders.

Now, after months of behind the scenes work, discussions between Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon Murray McCully and Foreign Minister Ratu Inoke Kubuabola have placed our diplomatic relationship on a firmer footing.

Ministers have agreed to the appointment of senior staff at our respective high commissions. New Zealand will also look to appoint a new Trade Commissioner while Fiji will be seeking an Honorary Counsel post based in Auckland. These moves represent a minor but important step forward.

The purpose of these negotiations was to improve New Zealand’s capacity to have a dialogue with Fiji. The maintenance of effective diplomatic channels is essential for constructive engagement. Through these channels we will attempt to resolve, over time, some of the significant and strongly held differences that exist between us. It is only then that a softening of the sanctions regime can be considered.

In an ideal word, New Zealand would have hoped to have seen significant change in the nature of the Fijian regime by now. That has simply not happened. Rebuilding the diplomatic dialogue is a pragmatic response to the current situation.

As a former diplomat, I know how much effort and skill these latest moves have required from the Minister and his senior officials. I think the media has largely missed the significance of them. We are seeing progress which would have been unthinkable even six months ago when the relationship was acrimonious and bitter.

New Zealand has taken these actions because, no matter how difficult we find it personally or philosophically, it is important for the people of Fiji and the Pacific region that some progress is made. Progress will be in small steps but we hope to build trust in the region and demonstrate our commitment to the people of Fiji through our actions.

In terms of trade, our sanctions deliberately placed no restrictions on trade, investment, tourism or other economic engagement with Fiji. That would have only hurt the most vulnerable in Fiji. We know that the Fijian economy is already struggling under the regime and we have no wish to see the economic situation there worsen.

Recent figures show the annual two-way trade between New Zealand and Fiji was worth $434 million. New Zealand exports to Fiji were $363 million, imports from Fiji were $71 million. That’s a huge imbalance and sadly we see the same situation in our trade with other Island nations too. We certainly need to work on getting more balance into our trade with all Pacific nations.

While our two countries enjoy a substantial trading relationship, there is no doubt this trading relationship is smaller and growing more slowly than it could, and should, be.

The behaviour of the interim government and the resulting decline of the Fiji economy have a lot to do with this under-performance.

Investors and traders understandably want to operate in countries where the government is stable, laws and regulations are certain and fair, the judiciary is independent and where normal diplomatic relationships exist. These criteria give business people confidence to invest and to trade.

Sadly, none of these attributes could be said to be features of the Republic of Fiji in 2010. In such circumstances, it is hard to see the trade situation improving much in the near future.

By way of conclusion, as Fijian community groups and Friends of Fiji, you all have networks of connections and a very practical understanding of the region.

You have the ability to work together in New Zealand to support the local Fijian community here and to help friends and family in Fiji. You can demonstrate understanding and tolerance between Fiji’s ethnic and racial groups that the Commodore and his regime could learn a lot from.

Finally, we all need to ensure that our contacts in Fiji are under no illusions about the very real political, economic and social consequences of the route Commodore Bainimarama and his supporters are taking Fiji down.

I have outlined today the impact on aid, diplomatic relations and trade.

I recognise that this is a difficult time for New Zealand and Fiji. However, we must maintain open and honest channels of communication between our nations at government, community and business levels.

The regime must be certain of our determination to see constitutional government and the rule of law restored in Fiji. Equally, the people of Fiji need to be re-assured of our on-going support. It is only in this way that Fiji can regain its rightful place in the sun.